In this paper I will discuss the description of the English subjunctive and the German Konjunktiv in 18th century grammar books set against the background of standardisation in England and Austria.

It is generally agreed that the inflectional form of the English subjunctive and the German Konjunktiv were on the decline in the 18th century. In both England and Austria this decline took place in the context of attempts to codify and fix the national language. However, the politico-cultural backgrounds for the process of language standardisation were very different. In the multinational empire Austria the Upper German ëGemeindeutschí, gradually lost ground to the other emerging standard, i.e. ëOstmitteldeutschí, which was based on Lutherís German. There was certainly a counter-movement from a few grammarians in Catholic Austria. Whereas in England grammarians tried to refine the irregularities of the language.

This paper examines how these differences are reflected in the grammar books of the two traditions, with particular reference to their treatment of the subjunctive/Konjunktiv. I will address questions of:
1. the balance between prescriptive and descriptive attitudes;
2. the relation between formal and functional criteria in defining the subjunctive/Konjunktiv mood;
3. the influence of the classical languages on the descriptions.

In the first three chapters of his Essay (1668) John Wilkins summarises current views concerning language diversity as a preliminary towards his own construction of a real character and philosophical language. At the end of this survey, Wilkins makes dismissive reference to the supposedly ëspecial caseí of Chinese, which had attracted extensive discussion in earlier debates concerning a real character. There is however another language singled out for special mention, namely Malayan, "which seems to be the newest Language in the World". The reason for its interest, Wilkins explains, is that "this is the onely Language (for ought I know) that hath ever been at once invented; if it may properly be styled a distinct Language, and not rather a Medley of many" (1668: 10).

The purpose of the present paper is, firstly, to situate Wilkinsís discussion in the broader context of ideas about language diversity in the seventeenth century. Two quite different types of language classification are here relevant: alongside the genetic classification, which Wilkins adopts as his presentational principle, there is also a typological classification of languages according to their various ëexcellenciesí. The paper will then examine the characterization by Wilkins and others of the [pidginized] variety of Malayan used as a ëMerchants or Trading Languageí, as distinct from ëtrue Malayaní, and the practical implications of this for Bible translation. It will conclude by considering the positive value assigned, within a typological framework, to mixed languages more generally, and (by authors ranging from William Camden to John Wallis) the advancement of English in particular as a mongrel language felicitously combining the individual excellencies of several others _ English itself being, in Wilkinsís words, "a mixture of the British [i.e. Welsh], Roman, Saxon, Danish, Norman, according to the several vicissitudes of Plantations and Conquests, that this Nation hath undergone".

This paper will compare the East-Christian and West-Christian  language traditions. These traditions have undergone different ways of formation and development and because of this the transformation of  vernacular languages into literary and official languages in the East and in  the West, i.e. the acquiring of such an attribute as codification is, took  place at different times and in different situations.   All languages are equal before God according to the East-Christian  tradition. In spite of the fact that the equality of languages was  recognized, the languages of the Christian peoples of the East came across  many difficulties in competing with the Greek Language, as Byzantium  hindered their legitimization.   We can follow the competition of the Georgian language with Greek after  the 3rd, 4th centuries AD. The inner qualities of Georgian made the wish of being equal to Greek firm. These qualities were as follows: flexible  stability that gave a possibility of the equal modification of the Georgian  speech, and was characterized by a high degree of artificiality.  From this point of view the concept of ëGreat  traditioní (introduced by J. Fishman) will be discussed. The Georgian ëGreat Traditioní, which  was based on East- Christian language tradition, created an exoglossal  society whose members believed that their language reflected their exclusive  genius and is authentically connected with their unusual life and spiritual  experience.

Arabic and Arabic-script writing tradition in West Africa dates back to the 12th century AD, if not earlier. Local scholars were familiar with the linguistic ideas which formed part of Islamic education. Arabic grammars and dictionaries were popular in the region. The interest in the study of Arabic resulted in the development of local Arabic and bilingual vocabularies, sometimes written in verse, as well as some works on Arabic grammar. A few versified vocabularies and grammars of West African languages were also composed. Almost all of them were written in Arabic and used Arabic linguistic terminology.

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries several works were written in West African languages using Arabic script. One such work, "Littafen nahwowin Hausance" ("The book of Hausa grammar"), is analysed in the paper. The work demonstrates a special approach to the parts of speech in Hausa (the verb deprived of the "person-aspect complex" is seen as a noun, although it may be used independently in the Imperative). This is a larger work of traditional lexicography, with notes on folk etymology, pragmatic rules, grammatical gender and possessive pronouns in Hausa.

The shift from Arabic to Roman script and the decline in the use of Arabic did not lead to the disappearance of the earlier linguistic tradition. New grammatical works and vocabularies in Arabic script (including a Fula-French vocabulary in Arabic script) were published. All these writings have been largely ignored by the linguists working at the universities in West Africa and abroad.

In the Preface to Aspects of the Theory of Syntax (1965), Noam Chomsky claims that Wilhelm von Humboldtís (1767-1835) "Introduction" to general linguistics is "famous but rarely studied". It is true that Chomskyís writings on the history of linguistics demonstrate his copious knowledge of Humboldtís linguistic ideas. But this conclusion with regard to Humboldtís "Introduction" as "famous but rarely studied" is not an appropriate judgment. Nearly a century and a half before Chomsky began in the 1960s to refer frequently to the name of Humboldt and his linguistic studies, Humboldt was already well-known to then linguists in America, and his linguistic ideas were highly regarded by many of them. William D. Whitney (1827-1894) and Leonard Bloomfield (1887-1949), for example, sometimes referred to Humboldt and cited some of his important linguistic ideas. But, in the developmental history of American linguistics, Humboldt and his ideas of language had not only been a part of the "mainstream" in American linguistics, but also had often been deliberately ignored or unintentionally misinterpreted for the years before Chomsky "rediscovered" them. Through an overview of the history of the Humboldt reception in American linguistics, the present paper tries to examine the impact of Humboldtís linguistic study on American linguists and its oblivion. Furthermore, it will scrutinize reasons why American linguists had remained unaware of Humboldt until Chomsky gave "re-birth" to him and recognize the importance of Chomskyís charismatic power in Humboldtís "revival" in the world of linguistics in America.

This short presentation will follow on from two papers, both of which deal with specific examples of travel narratives from the Romantic Period: John Barrow's description of the Cape of Good Hope and Thomas Bowdich's mission to the Asante.  Travel writing from this period is often multivocal in a number of senses: first in the way it incorporates different genres of representation into itself (genres of linguistic analysis among them), and second in the way it includes representations of other voices and other speakers in the texture of the narrative.  But how are we to understand the interaction of voices within the texts of writers such as Barrow and Bowdich?  We shall suggest that the work of the literary theorist Mikhail Bakhtin suggests interesting answers to this question and talk about our developing work on the possibilities of a Bakhtinian approach to the genres of linguistic representation.

At the very end of the eighteenth century, as the British wrangled with the Dutch East India Company in their acquisition of the Cape of Good Hope, the attention of European readers began to be drawn to the region through a glut of writings including travelogues, missionary writings, and scientific treatises.  This paper will address some of the ways in which concepts of language development and linguistic typology impacted on and were negotiated in such early representations of the peoples and languages of southern Africa, through an examination of the writings of John Barrow, secretary to the first British Governor of the Cape of Good Hope.  Among other things, Barrowís ambitious two-volume account of the new colony included one of the first published descriptions of the Xhosa language.

Barrowís vivid (if unsystematic) linguistic descriptions of Xhosa and of the Khoi-San languages spoken in and around the Cape Colony were aimed at demonstrating difference.  In including a two-page Xhosa wordlist, side-by-side with a list of Khoi words, his wish was that ëthe following brief specimen of the Kaffer [Xhosa] language, with the synonimous [sic] words in that of the Hottentots [Khoi], may serve to shew how little resemblance they bear to each other.í   As this paper will show, these differences between Xhosa and Khoi-San languages were mapped hierarchically - as a division between the ësoft, fluent, and harmoniousí on the one hand and the ëmonotonous mouthing of the savageí on the other - and underlined by reference to several other, more familiar tropes of inequality.   This paper will demonstrate the manner in which this bifurcation between Xhosa and Khoi-San fits into Barrowís understanding of language origins, typology, and development.  At the same time, it will point forward to the ways in which Barrowís account contributed to an emerging and increasing systematized ethnolinguistic typology in southern Africa.

Versions of school grammars from the early sixteenth century commonly denominated as "Lily-grammars" obscure aspects of the history of the transmission of the grammar authorized by Henry VIII in 1540. The English part of the first extant and complete copy is entitled An Introduction of the eyght partes of speche and was published by the royal printer Thomas Berthelet in 1542. By royal injunction the English and Latin parts of this version became the standard Latin grammar to be used in all grammar schools in England. It was attributed to William Lily (1468?-1522), a famous grammarian and the first High Master of St Paulís School, London. In this paper I will first draw attention to the role which the English grammars of St Paulís School played in the compilation of An Introduction of the eyght partes of speche by starting from an examination of the evidence of the texts. I shall argue that deliberate alterations to wording and structure and the addition of material from other sources identify the Introduction as a new and independent grammar which also throws light on the work of the royal committee by whom it was compiled. Finally I will try to examine William Lilyís connection to the royal grammar and its predecessors.

Traditionally morphology deals with complex words, "words which are not simple signs, but which are made up of more elementary ones", as Aronoff (1976:1) puts it. It is the aim of a generative theory of morphology to describe and analyse 'the rules for making up new words' (ibid:19) and to predict which words are possible (ibid: 18 & 35). Although Aronoff accepts words such as 'slurp' and 'quack' as belonging to English (ibid:8), the coining of these onomatopoetic or partially phonetically symbolised words does not belong to the study of word formation, since the meaning of these 'composite items' can only 'be partially, but not completely, derived from meanings of their parts'. According tot Aronoff (ibid: 20/21) 'portmanteau' words such as 'smog' or 'chunnel', although being derived from other forms - 'smoke + fog' and 'channel+tunnel' - should not be described in a theory of word formation either. These products of a blending process are 'oddities' just as acronyms and 'morpheme strings' such as 'transmote', a combination of the two non-independent morphemes 'trans' and 'mote'. This view of Aronoff is the traditionally accepted opinion about morphology. Also structuralists as Uhlenbeck and Schultink did not discuss what they called intentionally creative processes of word coining. However recently some linguists got interested in these oddities (Hüning, Hinskens, Kemmer, Meesters, Ronneberg-Siebold, Szpyra, Hamans). In this paper I shall discuss how the traditional morphological approach failed and why all of a sudden such different scholars came up with alternatives.

Few concepts within linguistics are so intuitively simple yet as theoretically challenging as the phoneme.  Long subject to both empirical analysis and speculative discussion, the phoneme represents one of linguisticsí great achievements.   Among the defining moments of the phoneme in recent history was Chomskyís rationalist critique of the ìpost-Bloomfieldianî tradition of American distributional linguistics and his generative rejection of an independent level of phonemic analysis.  Yet a closer look at Chomskyís dissatisfaction with ìtaxonomicî descriptivism reveals a curious convergence within linguistics..  Though typically viewed in diametrical opposition, W. V. Quineóarguably one of the most strident anti-mentalistic philosophers in contemporary philosophy of languageóand Chomsky have both explicitly defended the behavioral "paired-utterance test" (Z. Harris 1951) as a non-semantic definition of phonemic equivalence.  Indeed, consistent with the descriptivist avoidance of semantics generally, and his own commitment to the "autonomy" of phonology, Chomskyís (1957, 1975) rejection of a semantic-based phonology in favor of a behavioral reduction of phonemic equivalence is virtually indistinguishable from Quineís intermittent behaviorist remarks on the phoneme.   To be sure, there are important philosophical, historical and even personal reasons for this convergence.  Indeed, more significant than the misleading claims to have provided a non-semantic criterion for basic phonological equivalence (given that informants inevitably rely on, albeit their own, semantic knowledge) is a linguistic historiography so concentrated so as to permit such an odd convergence between two towering figures in linguistics.  The phoneme, in addition to dividing similar-minded linguists, apparently could also unite otherwise incompatible language theorists too.

Si la genèse théorique de la philologie comparée est officiellement portée au crédit du XIXe siècle, sa genèse empirique remonte à la Renaissance voire au delà. Les postulats et les méthodes des grammairiens de ces époques pré-scientifiques lui donnèrent en effet le jour pour ainsi dire incidemment et de surcroît. Les ouvrages relatifs aux langues anciennes, notamment au grec, fourmillent díallusions de type comparatif, dont la subtilité et la pertinence préfigurent les meilleures méthodes de la philologie moderne élevée au rang de science. La philologie comparée dès líorigine accompagne donc la philologie tout court, comme une discrète mais non moins signifiante image dans le tapis.

This paper attempts a brief history of the foundations of English in Nigeria and Igboland. It surveys the institutionalization of English in this part of the world through the roles played by trade relations, missionary interests and the colonial government. It observes that each of these eras laid the foundation for different varieties of English used in Igboland in particular, and Nigeria in general. The paper also illustrates the sociolinguistic situation in Igboland, paying particular attention to the various variables that affect the use of English in the region.

Russian linguist Lev Jakubinskij was the author of the first European research on the dialogic speech. Together with Viktor Shklovskij, Viktor Zhirmunskij and Roman Jakobson he was one of the OPOJAZ (the society to study the poetical language) founders in early XXth century. The main task of this society was to study the different aspects of the poetical speech, either formal or semantic. At the same time, many OPOJAZ members paid particular attention to its formal, acoustic aspect, especially, to the problems of rhythm and sounds. That is why, the first articles by Lev Jakubinskij published in the OPOJAZ books of collected articles were on the phonetics.  Yet in 1923, Jakubinskij publishes the ëOn the dialogical speechí article, in which he states the basic principles of the everyday life dialogue analysis. This sharp change of the object of researches could seem strange. Yet the attentive analysis of this article let us note that it was not by chance. It was the comparison of poetic and practical languagesí phonetics which made this linguist analyse the mechanisms of verbal influence over the addressee. We shall show in our report how the conception of poetical and practical languages by Jakubinksij had been formed, which influence the works of other phoneticians of his epoch had on him and why his own phonetic works were so important for this theory.   "Pictetís Du beau and the Crystallisation of Saussurean Structuralism"

It has long been known that the key formative figure in the intellectual life of the young Ferdinand de Saussure was Adolphe Pictet (1799-1875), a family friend best remembered for his Les origines indo-européennes, ou, Les Aryas primitifs: Essai de paléontologie linguistique (1859-63). This book is praised in the CLG, as well as being criticised, and has received some attention from historians of linguistics in search of the sources of Saussureís original views. However, a slightly earlier book by Pictet entitled Du beau, dans la nature, líart et la poésie: Etudes esthétiques (1856), has been ignored, presumably because its subject matter seems far removed from the concerns of linguistics. In fact, though, Pictet makes clear that aesthetics is principally centred on the problem of the meaning of the word beauty, and that within this problem are to be found all the tensions between the rational and sensible, the intellectual and emotional, the subjective and objective, and intention and reaction, that are at the heart of the whole Enlightenment discourse on the nature of language. A number of remarks on regularity of form in nature, for example in crystallisation, find echoes in Saussureís later characterisation of the language system, as do Pictetís assertions about the arbitrary nature of the linguistic sign and about the signified being not a thing but a concept. Indeed, a number of ëinfluencesí on Saussure which Aarsleff (1982) credited to Taine ó for whom we have no independent evidence of such influence ó can more convincingly be ascribed to his early mentor Pictet, whose Du beau moreover provides a ëmissing linkí between the Enlightenment philosophers whose aesthetic views it details, and the traces of their philosophical positions that have repeatedly been detected in the CLG.

This paper is a brief review of Japanese phonology from the historical and orthographic point of view. In the early days of Japanese linguistics (about 9th century A.D.), all syllables in the Japanese language are arranged in a matrix of vowels and consonants and called gojuu-on zu, literally ëa list of fifty sounds.í This naming comes from the fact that there are five vowels and ten consonants in Japanese, and the possible combination of them make fifty syllables. Since only voiceless and non-palatalized consonants are taken into account in these ten consonants, the actual number of the syllable inventory is several times of fifty. Another interesting point is that the order of the gojuu-on zu is after Sanskrit phonology, beginning with a vowel /a/ and ending with a moraic nasal. The first five syllables are represented by five vowels /a, i, u, e, o/ whose orders are also after the Sanskrit phonology. The second series is those syllables with the onset consonant /k/, then followed by those with /s, t, n, h, m, r, y, w/.  Orthographically, the voiced obstruent consonants are derived from the voiceless counterparts; two dots are added as superscript in the kana syllabary. This may reflect the intuition that the voiceless obstruents are unmarked while the voiced are marked. Only exception are those with the onset /p/, which are considered to be ëhalf-voicedí in the term of Japanese phonology.  To conclude, the phonological system of Japanese has influenced the orthography.

This paper will examine some of the essential concepts in Potebniaís theory and philosophy of language. As I have argued elsewhere (1999, 2000, 2001 & 2002), three complex components lay at the basis of his theoretical construct: external form, internal form and content in language. These are fundamental ideas for the understanding of Potebnia starting from the internal form as the representation of the complexes of signs/marks of apperceived universe(s). Developed in conjunction with the concept of ëobrazí, which means both ëformí and ëiconí (sign, image, symbol)í. For Potebnia, word or language ëcan be both an instrument of analysis and condensation of the thought uniquely because it is a representation, i.e., not an obraz, but the obraz of an obraz. If an obraz is an act of consciousness, then a representation is the cognition of that consciousness.í(1862/1913: 138)1  The symbolic forms of thinking evolve along with the acquisition of language as it can be observed in children learning to speak. Indeed, it is present in manís primeval word as a poetic creation. The capacity to think symbolically (conscious) develops along with the development of language both in the individual and in speech communities, in society. The case of mathematics is one example where man demonstrates his capacity to substitute natural language by symbolic forms of thinking.   Also, the paper will briefly refer to both some of Potebniaís sources to examine his philosophy of symbolic forms and to the influence of his ideas in Eastern European and Soviet traditions.
1Myslí I iazyk "Thought and Language" translated and annotated Kerecuk, N. (forthcoming English and Portuguese).

The views of John Locke on language are not present only in the Book three of AN ESSAY CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING, but are flowing as an implicit in the totality of his works. The anti-speculative empiricist stand tends to open philosophy to glottocentrism, by restricting the manifestation of general ideas to the sector of language. In the continuity of the Nominalists, and preparing the field to his French follower Condillac, John Locke puts in place the gnoseological framework which will allow the linguisticist deviation in philosophy to kick in. The questioning of the status of the notion of SUBSTANCE is a fine example of that:  "I confess there is another idea which would be of general use for mankind to have, as it is of general talk as if they had it; and that is the idea of SUBSTANCE; which we neither have nor can have by sensation or reflection. If nature took care to provide us any ideas, we might well expect they should be such as by our own faculties we cannot procure to ourselves; but we see, on the contrary, that since, by those ways whereby other ideas are brought into our minds, this is not, we have no such CLEAR idea at all; and therefore signify nothing by the word SUBSTANCE but only an uncertain supposition of we know not what, i.e. of something whereof we have no particular distinct positive idea, which we take to be the SUBSTRATUM, or support, of those ideas we do know." John Locke, AN ESSAY CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING, Book ONE, Chapter THREE, OTHER PROOFS AGAINST INNATE PRINCIPLES, Dover Publication, Vol. 1, pp 107-108.  We will inquire into that important and influential moment of the shift from an ontological gnoseology to a linguisticist gnoseology, and its impact on John Locke's conception of the specifics of semantic problems as they are worded in the section titled OF WORDS of his ESSAY...

In the 1950s, a renewal of interest for universal languages can be observed among first Machine Translation (MT) researchers. MT itself took on the mission of international communication, traditionaly assigned to universal languages. Some issues raised by the scientists on the feasability of MT were similar to those raised by the authors of universal languages in the 17th century ; namely the problem of language ambiguities as well as the use of the logical structure of language and of language invariants to design MT systems.

The works of one of the first British MT groups, the Cambridge Language Research Unit (CLRU), is very interesting from this point of view. It is through MT experiments, in other words practical outcomes, that they explore the notion of semantic primitives which come out of universal language schemes. The first MT method, called Nude, was directly inspired by Wilkins and Dalgarno. Nude was an algebraic interlingua, closely related to Universal Characteristics and designed as " a semantic net of naked ideas ". This net, made of fifty primitives and two syntactic connectors, is what remains invariant during translation process. Later, in order to base these primitives empirically, the researchers of the CLRU were led to design a new intermediary language as a set of word contexts, namely a thesaurus inspired by Rogetís Thesaurus. At the end of the 1960s, the studies on primitives were continued by one of the youngest members of the CLRU, within the framework of early Natural Language Understanding.

The present analysis aims at pointing out the epistemological  value of the Essay Towards a Real Character and a Philosophical Language  (London, 1668) by tracing the development of John Wilkins theory of  knowledge in its relationship with his linguistic speculation. The basic aspects  of his work can be clarified by an analysis of his conception of knowledge and  language, which can also be seen as indicative of the cultural atmosphere of  17th century England.   The evolution of Wilkins theory of knowledge and  language can be identified through an investigation of his linguistic and  religious texts, which display significant correspondences. The emergence of  linguistic concern in Wilkins writings can be traced back to his  religious production, where he starts facing the problem of language as an  instrument of knowledge and communication. The epitomising triad of the  Essay  things, notions, and words   reflects the wider frame of the interplay of knowledge, language, and reality,  which emerges in Wilkins religious and linguistic works as far as they  are planned as instruments intended to supply the correct methodology necessary  for acquiring and communicating knowledge.   The focus of this scrutiny is placed both on the more  speculative aspects of Wilkins theory and on its "applicative"  side, consisting in his practice of elaborating schemes conceived as devices  enhancing the organisation of knowledge.

The history of acquired disorders of language (aphasia) in the 19th century is typically told from a continental European perspective (e.g. Broca, 1861 and Wernicke, 1874) with minor mention of English contributions (e.g. Hughlings Jackson, 1864).  However, there was a very active centre of medical research in Dublin in the first half of the 19th century whose efforts included work on aphasia.  The neurolinguistic research of the Irish physicians Cheyne and Graves and of their students was highly regarded by contemporaneous French physicians such as Trousseau but has not propagated through the literature of the 20th century.

Numerous papers on language disorders appeared in the Dublin Journal of Medical and Chemical Science from the 1830s to 1860s.  Two significant early case studies of aphasia by Osborne (1833) and Steele (1848) will be examined in detail. Consideration will be giving to methods of elicitation and assessment of language function in different language modalities (e.g., perception, comprehension, production, reading and writing), description of symptoms, explanatory models and ideas of rehabilitation will be addressed.   The particular strengths of this Irish work will be discussed with reference to the western theoretical and practical perspectives on language organization in the brain in the 19th century.

Osborne, J. 1833 On the Loss of the Faculty of Speech depending on forgetfulness of the Art of using the Vocal Organs. Dublin Journal of Medical and Chemical Science, 1 November 1833, p 157-170.

Steele, W. E. A Case of Loss of Speech, &c. with Observations. Dublin Journal of Medical Science, 1845, 26, 355-368.

Richard Lloyd was a well-known Liverpool businessman, who managed to mix business with phonetics (including acoustic phonetics), Esperanto, sub-editing part of the OED, and teaching English Literature and phonetics.His name appears sporadically in accounts of phonetics in the last part of the 19th century, but as yet there has been no systematic assessment of his work. This paper will look primarily at  the contributions Lloyd made to the study of phonetics.

The paper reports on a collaborative project that aims, first, to present the results of research into seventeenth-century linguistic ideas in a novel way, and secondly, to open up links between seventeenth-century and present-day linguistic concerns. The project involves the development of an interactive website, hosted and supported by the Academic Computing Development Team of the University of Oxford. The projectís name is an acronym, ëTulipí standing for ëThe Universal Language Internet Portalí. Centrepiece of the site, which is at present under construction, is a computer implementation of Dalgarnoís universal language scheme of 1661. It is hoped that both modern and historical approaches will appear in a new light if modern techniques and tools for analyzing natural languages are applied to a seventeenth-century artificial one. The website provides interactive tutorials enabling its visitors to get acquainted with the workings of Dalgarnoís language. Visitors will also be invited to become active users of the language, and thus to participate in a virtually unprecedented kind of linguistic experiment. Apart from the central part, the website contains a number of modules devoted to various aspects of seventeenth-century linguistics, which are related to Dalgarnoís scheme and those of others. Thus separate modules on language diversity, language  teaching, language origin, knowledge representation, philosophy of language, and others are envisaged or being developed. In this way, the website is designed to be both a research and teaching resource that might usefully complement more traditional ones.

Appraisals of Ellisís ëThe Existing Phonology of English Dialectsí (1889) have been both negative (Wright (1892), Dieth (1946), Wakelin (1972)) and positive (Anderson (1977), Shorrocks (1991)). Typical criticisms are directed at Ellisís method of data collection (via intermediaries), the inaccuracy of the data collected, and the impenetrable nature of the phonetic script employed (the palaeotype). Conversely, it has been pointed out that, regardless of the method of collection, Ellisís data is often considerably more accurate than has been claimed, and that the palaeotype is much less obscure than it first appears.  In view of these contradictory opinions, this paper examines Ellisís data for Northumberland and north Durham in light of the detailed data provided by the Orton Corpus (Rydland (1998)). This comparison enables us to do two things:  to check the accuracy of Ellisís data for the region; to shed more light on the exact values of the palaeotype symbols used.  My research suggests that in many cases Ellisís data is remarkably accurate, confirming the importance of Ellis (1889) as a unique contribution to the history of English dialectology, in terms of the data he collected and the methodology he employed. Additionally, comparison with the Orton Corpus data indicates more exactly the way in which the palaeotype has been used. This enables a more precise definition of its phonetic values than is possible in a study such as Eustace (1969), and of the extent to which it encodes both phonological and phonetic information, as suggested by Local (1983).

References
Anderson, P. M. (1977). ëA New Light on Early English Pronunciationí. Transactions of the Yorkshire Dialect Society, 77/14: 32-41.
Dieth, E. (1946). ëA New Survey of English Dialectsí. Essays and Studies, 32: 74-104.
Ellis, A. J. (1889). On Early English Pronunciation, Part V, The Existing Phonology of English Dialects Compared with that of West Saxon. New York, Greenwood Press.
Eustace, S. S. (1969). ëThe Meaning of the Palaeotype in A. J. Ellisís On Early English Pronunciation 1869-89í. Transactions of the Philological Society 1969: 31-79.
Local, J. K. (1983). ëMaking a transcription: The evolution of A. J. Ellisís Palaeotypeí. Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 13/1: 2-12.
Rydland, K. (1998). The Orton Corpus: A Dictionary of Northumbrian Pronunciation 1928-1939. Oslo: Novus Press.
Shorrocks, G. (1991). ëA. J. Ellis as Dialectologist: A Reassessmentí. Historiographia Linguistica XVIII, 2/3: 321-334.
Sweet, H. (1877). A Handbook of Phonetics. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Wakelin, M. F. (1972). English Dialects: An Introduction. London: Athlone Press.
Wright, J. (1892). A Grammar of the Dialect of Windhill in the West Riding of Yorkshire. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner.

Some documents have preserved the ancient stoic definition of the noun: "Onoma esti meros logou pto:tikon, hekasto: to:n hypokeimeno:n e: pragmato:n koine:n e: idian poiote:ta aponemon " (cf. Grammatici Graeci, I, 3, 524, 9-10). In accordance with the observations of the modern scholars (A. Wouters, P. Swiggers e. a.) it would be plausible to conceive here the notion of "prâgma" as equivalent of the "lektón", i. e. as a representation to be uttered. The stoics interpreted such a representation as immaterial and as having no immediate connection with the reality.  The author of the contribution maintains that the word "prâgma" signifies in the definition above cited an action in general, including the act of thinking. The modern scholar feels some perplexity before a junction of the incorporeal "prâgma" and material "poiótês". It is plenty justified to suppose here a fruit of a personal creation of an original thinker. It is very probable, that Antipater of Tarsus was the genuine author of the definition under consideration. Antipater of Tarsus has for the first time introduced the term of "mesótêtos" as a definition of the adverb. The terms "mesótêtos epirrêmata" and "poiótêtos epirrêmata" coexist however in the oldest grammatical papyri. There are good reasons to believe, that both the notion of "poiótêtos epirrêmata" and that of "pragmáton poiótês" were already familier to Antipater.

The paper consists of three parts. In the first part it includes a short glimpse on the major  personalities and facts marking the history of European contacts with  India. It focuses on the ways Europeans have chosen to know Sanskrit  linguistic tradition. Main names, books and sources are mentioned. In the second part major instruments elaborated by Europeans for the  knowledge of Sanskrit  are specified and shortly characterized. It  covers the period of about 300 years. In the third part methods of applied linguistics  used in the  European tradition of teaching Sanskrit are enumerated, discussed and  compared with chosen Indian methods. Final comments and questions are obviously included at the end of the  paper.

John Wallisís (1616-1703) Grammatica Linguæ Anglicanæ (1st ed., 1653) has been recognised as a major landmark in the history of linguistics mainly on account of his two achievements. First, in the Tractatus de Loquela, prefixed to his Grammatica, Wallis provides a systematic description of the formation of speech sounds. Secondly, in the Grammatica itself, he makes an attempt to describe English grammar on the basis of the actually observed phenomena of the vernacular, refusing to follow the Latin-based model. Both of these achievements have been ascribed to the inductive, empirical attitude that characterised the new ëexperimental philosophyí, in which Wallis himself was actively engaged as Savilian Professor of Geometry at Oxford and a founder member of the Royal Society. The purpose of my paper is to re-examine the aim and orientation of Wallisís linguistic work and thereby to characterise it as being concerned with the ëuniversalí principles of language as well as the ëparticularí traits of English; his De Loquela deals with general phonetics, applicable to all languages, whereas his Grammatica itself treats the distinguishing features of the English language. I shall try to demonstrate that these achievements by Wallis, namely, a scientific analysis of speech sounds in general and a careful description of the peculiar features of English, can be regarded as fulfilments of two of the ëdesiderataí set down by Francis Bacon for the ëadvancement of learningí.

Les dispositifs de líautonomisation sémiotique et la réflexion sur les formes symboliques nourrie de post-kantisme nous conduisent à nous interroger sur les manières dÇenvisager líaccumulation savante des théories du signe et les articulations conceptuelles qui gravitent autour de ces théories. Est-il possible, dans le jeu des différences, des écarts ou autres décalages à líintérieur des théories linguistiques, de saisir líespace valide d'une archéologie de la notion d'iconicité ? Selon quel régime, quel effet de bascule, peut-on considérer que cÇest un même discours qui se répète chez Peirce ou chez Wittgenstein ? Poser ces questions signifie en fait poser le problème de líassomption de la sémiotique, et, à travers elle, de la phanéroscopie et de la reconstruction de tout « jeu de langage » wittgensteinien sur le modèle de la maxime peircienne : « toute pensée est en signes ». Néanmoins, un renversement de perspective a déjà eu lieu : alors que Peirce prend les symboles pour point de départ, afin de parvenir aux icônes, Wittgenstein est, dès le début, sur une position iconique, et la thèse sur líiconicité des jeux de langage, cÇest-à-dire se manifestant « par eux-mêmes », y trouve ainsi sa preuve la plus forte. En ce sens, le jeu de langage wittgensteinien doit donc être pris iconiquement, et líiconicité est, du même coup, logiquement première dans le processus de reconstruction du langage. Le caractère public de toute pensée, comme le rejet de tout ego fondateur, sont sans doute des points de convergence entre les deux auteurs. Mais cíest précisément autour de la notion díiconicité quíune comparaison entre les deux pourrait éventuellement être articulée, et une solution de continuité être trouvée, malgré lÇinversement de la priorité entre líicône et le symbole.

Wilhelm von Humboldtës (1767-1835) ÑGrundzüge des allgemeinen Sprachtypus" is one of his better known linguistic works. Most critics described it as one further step in the development of Humboldtís language-philosophy. This view has lead to the assumption that Humboldt never worked empirically and never intended to do so. The subheading of the ÑGrundzüge" though shows that this work was intended as ÑEinleitung zu ausführlichen Untersuchungen über die Amerikanischen Sprachen". The edited text is, therefore, only the introduction to a much larger work. It contains the philosophical foundation and is at the same time an instruction for the study of languages in general. Detailed descriptions of American Indian languages were meant to follow. The theoretical ideas are not only gained from philosophical reflection, but as well from previous empirical studies. It has always been Humboldtís belief that there is no such thing as empirical study without thorough reflection and vice versa. His way is, therefore, dialectic. And, contrary to the common belief, there is evidence for empirical studies all over the ÑGrundzüge", examples drawn from Humboldtís studies not only of the American Indian Languages but also of Sanscrit, Chinese, Basque, etc.  Furthermore, the table of contents - suffixed to the text - indicates that a main part is to follow up on the introduction. The main part would have contained the empirical studies which are only available in manuscript form. The questions which remain are: Did Humboldt never write a main part? Could he not finish it? or Was it simply not edited? In my presentation I will attempt to reconstruct Humboldtís concept for the complete ÑAmerica-Book" by consulting unpublished manuscripts and published texts. Resulting from the reconstruction one gains a completely different perspective on the ÑGrundzüge des allgemeinen Sprachtypus". The re-construction of the America-Book, then, allows to re-construct Humboldtís concept of linguistics as a continuous movement between philosophical and empirical study.

The concept of the so-called 'genius of language' ('génie de la langue', 'genio della lingua', 'genius linguae', 'Sprachgeist' etc.) boasts a remarkable history in a number of European discourses on language from at least the 17th century onwards, providing philosophers, grammarians, translators, and critics with arguments in their battles over the vernaculars once the domination of Latin had given way. Main types of the concept include: the stylistic 'genius of language', being the stylistic (in)adequacy of a given language, especially its metaphorical and phraseological idiosyncrasies, commented upon by translators or critics of language as early as the 17th century; the grammatical 'genius of language', relating to the formal (phonetic, morphological, syntactical, and prosodic) principles of a given language, as frequently discussed e.g. in universal grammars of the 18th century; the semantic 'genius of language', understood by philosophers such as Condillac or W. von Humboldt to be a given language's individual way of creating semantic content by linking specific mental units to certain linguistic units in a fixed order; the organological 'genius of language', prevalent in German(-influenced) linguistics of the 19th century, in which the concept is seen as a personified driving force behind the evolution of a given language; the nationalistic 'genius of language', a degeneration of the concept primarily found in 19th- and 20th-century linguistic texts with a critical or didactic focus.

At the heart of ancient reflexion on language stands the theory of the parts of speech. Apollonius Dyscolus, the great Alexandrian grammarian of the 2nd century AD, defines each part of speech by means of several criteria -- in the case of the pronoun, for example, one can clearly distinguish a syntactic, a semantic, and a morphological condition in his definition. I shall examine the semantic condition -- that pronouns define a person. Apollonius has an argument for it (Pron. 9,17-10,7). Pronouns are either deictic or anaphoric; but deictic pronouns evidently define a person, and anaphoric pronouns define a person as well, since they indicate a person that is known and what is known is definite: hence pronouns define persons. The argument is valid -- are its premisses true?

[The handout will include a new edition of the passage, as well as the first English translation. More on Apollonius at <<http://andreas.schmidhauser.ch>http:// andreas.schmidhauser.ch>.]

The energetic metaphor in linguistics is not a particularly explored topic. Nevertherless, one should not underestimate the impact it had on humanities at the end of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th century. From physics to philosophy, to psychology and then to linguistics, weíll see how this metaphor gives to scholars of this generation an illusion of a new, "scientific", "non-metaphysical" explanation of the evolution of language. In linguistics, the end of the 19th century is a crucial period: newly discovered languages, new methods of investigation. In this context, the energetic metaphor seems to be a requirement. By introducing a new metaphoric field, it permits to find a new system to explain the phenomena, a new uniformist model based on laws as strict as those of physics, instead of the declining comparative model. We would like to explain the importance of this "climate of opinion" to understand some underpinnings of the discussions that can at the first sight seem to be purely linguistic. We will proceed by analysing texts by Jespersen (1860-1943, Denmark), Baudouin de Courtenay (1845-1929, Russia, Poland), and Ovsjaniko-Kulikovskij (1853-1920, Russia).

In the same period that the British were assuming control of the Cape, they were also expanding their interests in West Africa and a focal point for this activity was the fort at Cape Coast, situated in the modern state of Ghana.  In the early nineteenth century the British came into conflict with the Asante, whose capital Kumasi lies roughly 115 miles inland from Cape Coast.  The king of the Asante, the Asantehene, claimed suzerainty over the ënativeí states at the coast and ownership of the sites on which the European forts were built.  In 1817, therefore, the African Company, sent a mission to the Asantehene in Kumasi to negotiate terms. Among the agents involved in the mission was a young man from Bristol, Thomas Edward Bowdich, who in 1819 published an account of the experience under the title, Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee, with a Statistical Account of that Kingdom and Geographical Notices of Other Parts of the Interior of Africa.

Chapter IX of Bowdichís book deals with the languages of the region, including the Akan varieties, ëFanteeí and ëAshanteeí (Twi), and ëAccraí (Ga).  In his account of these varieties, Bowdich is concerned to examine the structure of the languages in the light of the theory of language origins developed by John Horne Tooke in The Diversions of Purley.  The focus of this paper will be the ways in which this kind of analysis coheres with the account of other aspects of Asante culture presented in the rest of Bowdichís book.  It will also draw comparisons with the work of John Barrow discussed in the previous paper and develop an account of the ways in which linguistic analysis was incorporated into the dialogic genre of the Romantic Period travel narrative.

In this paper I present a dialectical analysis of the emergence of the subject category in Danish linguistics, focusing on its first appearance in Jens Høysgaardís Accentuered og Raisonnered Grammatica (1747).   My aim of the analysis is twofold: First, I relate Høysgaardís subject notion to the emergence of the subject in European grammar, especially as it is manifested in the Port-Royal grammar (1660). My point of view is that the syntactic subject originally was conceived as a semantic category, rooted in Aristotleís pragmatic, or ontological, distinctions between hypokeimenon and antikeimenon, and between hyle, eidos, and ousia.   Second, I explain the emergence of the syntactic subject as an implication of the Baconian-Cartesian segregation of (i) form and function, (ii) of logic and rhetoric, and (iii) res extensa and res cogitans. I see this development as a multi-determined result of social, technological and ideological conditions and constraints.   Finally, I will shortly present some indications of a change in the subject notion within some modern linguistic paradigms, e.g. cognitive, functional, feminist, ecological, and dialectical linguistics. This might indicate the dawning of a post-Cartesian-Hobbesian era of communication, science and linguistics.

Gregor Feinaigle in Dublin, 1813-9  Feinaigle (1760-1819) was a Cistercian monk at Salem who when the monastery closed in 1803 after the Napoleonic invasion became a peripatetic lecturer on mnemonics. His travels took him to Karlsruhe, Paris, London, Glasgow and Liverpool, and in 1813 he reached Dublin. Here the local Protestant gentry helped him to found a school (the Feinaiglian Institution) which catered largely for their sons. The literature generated by the school (governors' reports, textbooks and a Grammar of the Methodic and Mnemonic Art (1818) by the school's 'mnemonic draughtsman' Michael Sandford) reveal a curious mixture. The ancient theatre of memory technique was employed for learning, rooms being covered with symbols; progressive methods like those of Pestalozzi were employed; and the Port Royalist tradition of grammaire generale was followed. In the paper I focus on the use of mnemonics for language learning, but set this in the local social and historical context.

More than a half a century ago, Benjamin Lee Whorf (1892-1941) recognized that linguistics was central to the study of consciousness. He argued that while the study of language and mind was centuries old in Western thought, these studies have generally been based on the premise that thinking is the same for all people, regardless of culture. Whorfís argument that consciousness is shaped by language and language by culture was the basis for his controversial theory of linguistic relativity - or the "Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis" as it has come to be known because of his collaboration with Edward Sapir. In light of the resurgence of consciousness studies in the 21st Century, Whorfís work is enjoying renewed interest.    In the collection of his works compiled in 1955 by John B. Carroll in Language, Thought, and Reality, Whorfís writings can be placed into two categories: those relating to his research on the Hopi and Mayan languages; and those regarding his speculation regarding linguistic theory in particular, and science in general. For Whorf, the two categories were interrelated because in working with non-Western languages, Whorf gathered evidence to challenge the adequacy of Western scientific principles, especially as they informed the study of language.     The focus of this paper will be on Whorfís later works: four essays that summarized his life-long critique of the assumptions and methodology of Western science. These essays - "Science and Linguistics" (1940), "Linguistics as an Exact Science" (1940), "Language and Logic" (1941), and "Language, Mind, and Reality" (1941) - forcefully articulate a theme that underlies all his work: namely, contemporary linguistic theory is flawed by the limits of Western science.

The term sememe,  which is usually associated with the French structural semantics, initiated in  the 1960s by Algirdas Greimas et Bernard Pottier, or with Leonard Bloomfield and  his followers in America, had in reality appeared in the work of the Swedish  linguist Adolf Gotthard Noreen (1854  1925). The fifth volume of his monumental  work Vårt  språk  [Our Language], entitled Betydelselära (Semologi)  [The Science  of Meaning (Semology)] and  published in separate fascicles in the years 1904-1912, contains a detailed  treatment of the notion of sememe and a classification of various types of  sememes. Noreen  s analysis is based on the assumption that there is a  parallelism between the material and the functional aspects of the language  structure, which calls for an application of similar research methods in both  cases. His view of sememe, patterned on that of phoneme,  substantially differs from the structuralist one, but it seems to be free from  certain incongruities inherent in the later attempts to handle the plane of  expression and the plane of content as isomorphic phenomena, as far as the  traditional notion of word is concerned.

This presentation will inspect views on the origins of and genetic relationship among languages in 17th and 18th century Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian grammars and other linguistic treatises. The theories are related to contemporary European views, but they reflect a regional distinction. The traditional Christian idea of the divine origin of the diversity and also kinship of languages was still strong in the area int he 18th century although also new ideas on the kinship of European languages were rather popular in the Lithuanian and Latvian but not in Estonian speaking area. The similar or common theories in the grammatical descriptions of the languages of the peoples of the Baltic area are rather a result of common sources of influences than of contacts between the Baltic area linguists themselves.

The difference in the study of various language levels seems to have never been so evident as at the close of the XIXth century. If the formal language aspect had been already studied rather well, the semantic aspect of language phenomena still remained out of the linguistsí interest: the word itself of semantics was introduces in linguistics in 1897 only.       Yet the general diachronic orientation was typical of the beginning semantic researches at this time, and a number of very particular semantic theories appeared. Today the majority of them seem rather groundless, yet their epistemological value remains quite significant. Among them, there were the explanation of the wordsí changing semantics with social reasons (A.Meillet), the theory of the class character of semantic evolution (N.Marr) and the ìsemantic polarizationî theory. This theory presupposed the co-existence of opposite (contrary) meanings in one word and concerned the majority of words in the so-called ìprimitive languagesî. Later on, every of these words was ìsplitî and replaced with two different lexemes having opposite meanings.       It is interesting to note that such theories were made up by the linguists of either Western or Eastern Europe (K.Abel, ».äercl, N.Marr) which worked independently from one another. It proves that these theories were conditioned by the particular paradigm in the language sciences of this period. Either peculiarities or the epistemological value of such theories are to be discussed in the central part of our lecture.

Grammont's (1938-1939) critical remarks towards Martinet's phonological theory can be compared to those Saussure could have adressed Troubetskoy's phonology if history had permitted that. Grammont, following Saussure, could not accept the troubetzkoyan bias of Martinet's phonology for originally there were strong conceptual discrepancies between Saussure and Troubetskoy.

The relationship between the Viennese scientist Ernst Mach (1838-1916) and the critic of language Fritz Mauthner (1849-1923) has been amply described in recent work (cf. K. Arens: Functionalism and Fin de siècle. Fritz Mauthnerís Critique of Language, 1981) on language critical thought. In this work the cultural and theoretical background of Mauthnerís and Machís studies has been brought to light without, however, having paid enough attention to the real meaning of Machís thought to Mauthnerís language criticism.  In my contribution, I will compare Mauthnerís and Machís approaches towards conceptual analysis and thus the meaning of Mach to Mauthnerís lifelong project to put concepts and their meanings at the heart of philosophical theorizing.

The consequences of applying a received Latin-based terminology to the description of a language structurally quite different from Latin have long been lamented. It is therefore worth enquiring into how and why this approach was adopted, particularly since grammarians have been less successful than colleagues in other disciplines in freeing themselves from the rigid conceptual schema delivered by the traditional terminology.

The received view is that scientific terminologies develop in the wake of scientific progress (Sager et al. 1980) and that in the case of English the language "was incapable of providing a linguistic medium for traditional scholarship and for the rapidly developing scientific disciplines since it lacked the necessary terminologies. This deficiency was remedied during the sixteenth century ..." (Schäfer 1989). McConchie (1997) has questioned this view, because it fails to take account of differences between disciplines.

How do these hypotheses stand up with respect to the metalanguage English? To understand how and why the grammatical terminology of English developed along the lines it did, we need to distinguish two separate strands. I shall address both the question of a native element in the terminology inside the Latin tradition (refuting Schäferís thesis), and the question of why the grammatical categories of Latin were applied to English as and when they were.

When we think of the history of linguistic ideas it is natural to have a tendency to overlook recent developments. However, lessons of history can be applied to linguistics today. Steven Krashen, the most famous applied linguist of recent decades, introduced his ideas about teaching languages (the Natural Approach, comprehensible input) in the early 1980ís. They were clear, simple, and practical - and, unknown to all but a few, a restatement of natural methods a century old. Much of Krashenís success among rank and file teachers may be attributed to the accessibility of his ideas and to the American tradition of anti-intellectualism and utilitarianism. Nevertheless, they reawakened the inferiority complex of the "soft" sciences such as education and applied linguistics. Krashenís failure to sound scientific at once gained him popularity but guaranteed failure in the long run.  Experts in our field - the ones who decree winners and losers - want science and explanation and productivity in order to win the respect accorded the "harder" sciences such as chemistry or biology. In the end, Krashenís ideas have met the same dismal fate as those from which they sprang a hundred years ago.